- 1-1-1, Tennodai,
Tsukuba-shi, Ibaraki-ken,
Japan, 305-8571
- University of Tsukuba, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty Memberadd
- International Relations, International Studies, Central Asian Studies, Sociology, Political Science, Social Sciences, and 37 moreSocial History, Post-Soviet Studies, Uzbekistan, Central Asia, Central Asia (History), Central Asian Societies, Empire, Nationalism, National Identity, Kyrgyzstan, Central Asian History (Area Studies), Central Eurasian Studies, Kazakhstan, International Relations Theory, Japanese Foreign Policy, Collective Memory, Islam in Central Asia, Post-Soviet Regimes, Soviet History, Ideology and Discourse Analysis, Postsocialism, China's foreign policy, Soft Power, Public Diplomacy, Geopolitics, Soft Power and International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Eurasia, Central Asian Politics, Post-Soviet Politics, Uzbek, Central Eurasia, Discourse Analysis, Constructivism, Japanese Studies, Political Identity, and Postcolonial Studiesedit
- Professor of International Relations and the Director of the Special Program for Japanese and Eurasian Studies at the... moreProfessor of International Relations and the Director of the Special Program for Japanese and Eurasian Studies at the Graduate School of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Tsukuba, Japan.edit
This paper demonstrates that Uzbekistan is transitioning from an economic model that is tightly controlled by the government towards a model that is more closely related to the developmental state model. In such a model, the government... more
This paper demonstrates that Uzbekistan is transitioning from an economic model that is tightly controlled by the government towards a model that is more closely related to the developmental state model. In such a model, the government defines its priorities regarding investment and infrastructure development and regarding cooperation with international partners. In this process, the Uzbek developmental state aims to apply its own narrative to energy and infrastructure-related projects from the position of “self” without underplaying the importance of these projects in terms of connectivity and trade promotion. In such a narrative, infrastructure development mainly relates to energy, transport, industrialization and water and renewables. In doing so, Uzbekistan looks beyond the connectivity rhetoric in its foreign partners’ interest in energy and transportation and seeks to capitalize on the related projects to position itself as an industrial and transportation hub for other CA countries and Afghanistan. Uzbekistan is not interested in becoming merely a transit territory for manufactured Chinese goods or an end user of Russian nuclear technology. Additionally, Uzbekistan is not interested in remaining dependent on Russian transportation infrastructure for exporting its energy resources, such as natural gas. Rather, it aims to use the transportation infrastructure to enhance its standing as a logistic hub for goods and technology, which would eventually result in the production of certain industrial goods to be re-exported to Russia, China Afghanistan and other countries.
https://link.springer.com/epdf/10.1007/s10308-020-00589-w?sharing_token=oGdy4DFajFdfQcZLydPoXfe4RwlQNchNByi7wbcMAY4ShBgJLamJ_oFWPQUIP9OwYnQDBRr7kC_EBwWWJ50pb8G3Au3MnMzD2I8UGGFkhk2G-ugphGuZgM3o18mhr92CRJlsXxBbNuvDLjd2n94Z3VwbXfqT4thQjbHT5H9acjo%3D
https://link.springer.com/epdf/10.1007/s10308-020-00589-w?sharing_token=oGdy4DFajFdfQcZLydPoXfe4RwlQNchNByi7wbcMAY4ShBgJLamJ_oFWPQUIP9OwYnQDBRr7kC_EBwWWJ50pb8G3Au3MnMzD2I8UGGFkhk2G-ugphGuZgM3o18mhr92CRJlsXxBbNuvDLjd2n94Z3VwbXfqT4thQjbHT5H9acjo%3D
The vision of the Soviet years in post-Soviet republics varies depending on the government’s official master narrative, foreign policy priorities and general public perceptions of the past. By contrasting the published interviews of... more
The vision of the Soviet years in post-Soviet republics varies depending on the government’s official master narrative, foreign policy priorities and general public perceptions of the past. By contrasting the published interviews of presidents Putin, Nazarbayev and Karimov and the outcomes of in-depth interviews with the elderly public in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan) this paper reveals the differences between the official master narratives of political leadership (positive or negative) with respect to the Soviet past and public attitudes. This paper aims to demonstrate that the narratives of political leaders/governments and public recollections coexist in the same social space in parallel to each other. While governments attempt to use their narratives to promote certain policy goals, people use their nostalgic recollections to make sense of the social changes in their respective countries and use such recollections to interpret their lives.
This paper focuses on the emerging patterns of educational mobility and unskilled labor migration from Uzbekistan to Japan and South Korea. Labor migration and educational mobility are becoming the next “horizon” in the expanded... more
This paper focuses on the emerging patterns of educational mobility
and unskilled labor migration from Uzbekistan to Japan and South
Korea. Labor migration and educational mobility are becoming the
next “horizon” in the expanded relationship between East and Central
Asia, powered by several factors, including the efforts by Japan and
South Korea to build “original” people-oriented policy engagements
with the region and the demand from Central Asian states, such as
Uzbekistan, to provide more labor opportunities to their young and
growing populations. This paper presents the initial findings of a pilot
survey that explores and occasionally compares the experiences of
Uzbek migrants to Japan and South Korea, using datasets of faceto-face interviews related to various aspects of life in Japan and
South Korea. The interviews were conducted face to face and online
(Telegram, Skype, etc.) with 66 migrants and Japanese language school
students (whom this paper treats as labor migrants masquerading as
students) in Japan from November 2019 to January 2020 as well as
online with 30 laborers and students in South Korea from August to
September 2020
and unskilled labor migration from Uzbekistan to Japan and South
Korea. Labor migration and educational mobility are becoming the
next “horizon” in the expanded relationship between East and Central
Asia, powered by several factors, including the efforts by Japan and
South Korea to build “original” people-oriented policy engagements
with the region and the demand from Central Asian states, such as
Uzbekistan, to provide more labor opportunities to their young and
growing populations. This paper presents the initial findings of a pilot
survey that explores and occasionally compares the experiences of
Uzbek migrants to Japan and South Korea, using datasets of faceto-face interviews related to various aspects of life in Japan and
South Korea. The interviews were conducted face to face and online
(Telegram, Skype, etc.) with 66 migrants and Japanese language school
students (whom this paper treats as labor migrants masquerading as
students) in Japan from November 2019 to January 2020 as well as
online with 30 laborers and students in South Korea from August to
September 2020
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Central Asia has seen dramatic yet peaceful change since the end of the Soviet Union as it has once again become a world region of sovereign powers. The relatively low levels of political violence and the concomitant authoritarian... more
Central Asia has seen dramatic yet peaceful change since the end of the Soviet Union as it has once again become a world region of sovereign powers. The relatively low levels of political violence and the concomitant authoritarian stabilization of the region’s postcolonies are both remarkable and poorly understood. This chapter argues that IR theory is of little use in this regard because it is focused on external powers and systemic factors, be they material or normative, and fails to account for the Central Asian actors and transnational processes that have shaped the transformation. This weakness has been mirrored in scholarship that until recent years was produced overwhelmingly by scholars from outside Central Asia and in accordance with debates that have minimal relevance for the region. The largely peaceful decolonization of Central Asia is best understood from decolonial perspectives that emphasize the importance of the region’s particular ideas and practices and how these have been formed in conditions of globalization.
This paper argues that Uzbekistan’s cooperation agenda with Russia, China, Japan and South Korea demonstrates clear signs of breaking with the Karimov-era security-driven agenda for cooperation in favor of desecuritization. This paper... more
This paper argues that Uzbekistan’s cooperation agenda with Russia, China, Japan and South Korea demonstrates clear signs of breaking with the Karimov-era security-driven agenda for cooperation in favor of desecuritization. This paper uses a comparative analysis of the engagement of Russia, China, Japan and South Korea with Uzbekistan through an analysis of the shifting political discourses in Uzbekistan and these states, statistics regarding their interaction and an analysis of the economic road maps of their engagement from 2015 onward. This timeframe is attributed particular importance in this article, as it symbolizes the new opening of Uzbekistan towards these four states after the death of its dictatorial President Islam Karimov.
In terms of the narrative of this article, this paper will first explore the problem of the securitization of the CA region and the cooperation agenda. The paper then discusses the motivations of Uzbekistan and its cooperation counterparts in pursuing closer ties. This discussion will then be followed by an analysis of how the new leadership in Uzbekistan re-evaluated its past behavior to address its post and neocolonial challenges and the cooperation agendas with Russia, China, South Korea and Japan.
In terms of the narrative of this article, this paper will first explore the problem of the securitization of the CA region and the cooperation agenda. The paper then discusses the motivations of Uzbekistan and its cooperation counterparts in pursuing closer ties. This discussion will then be followed by an analysis of how the new leadership in Uzbekistan re-evaluated its past behavior to address its post and neocolonial challenges and the cooperation agendas with Russia, China, South Korea and Japan.
Afghanistan in 2019 was marked by advances and setbacks with respect to stabilizing the country and reshaping its relations with international partners. The year brought new presidential elections and signs of potential political... more
Afghanistan in 2019 was marked by advances and setbacks with respect to stabilizing the country and reshaping its relations with international partners. The year brought new presidential elections and signs of potential political dialogue, as well as hopes for expanded economic ties with neighbors. But there are still uncertainties about the prospects of US withdrawal and the country’s future.
(This paper has also been translated into Chinese language and annotated by Shao Liang, Renmin, https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/129026367)
(This paper has also been translated into Chinese language and annotated by Shao Liang, Renmin, https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/129026367)
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This paper analyses discursive strategies of China and Japan to integrate newly emerging Central Asian (CA) states into their internal and external policies, norms and concepts, according to which they justify both their actions in CA and... more
This paper analyses discursive strategies of China and Japan to integrate newly emerging Central Asian (CA) states into their internal and external policies, norms and concepts, according to which they justify both their actions in CA and CA responses to these policies. This paper elaborates the concept that to a certain extent, the interests of China and Japan in CA are similarly focused on mineral resources and political stability. However, these countries employ different discursive strategies to frame their approaches and goals. This paper also emphasizes that the discourse of competition for regional domination prevalent in the English-language, Russian and some Central Asian media is largely an imposition of a zero-sum vision of international relations that is not proven by any empirical evidence. On the contrary, many of the projects conducted both by China and Japan are compatible—if not supplementary—and do not necessarily imply exclusivity of interest. At the same time, both China and Japan have different ways of reasoning their CA engagements, resulting in a rivalry of discourses for the “hearts and minds” of the Central Asian population.
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There are three aspects that are symbolic of the state of affairs in and around Afghanistan in 2018, namely, the fragmentation of domestic political actors, the increasing desecuritization of rhetoric with respect to Afghanistan by... more
There are three aspects that are symbolic of the state of affairs in and around Afghanistan in 2018, namely, the fragmentation of domestic political actors, the increasing desecuritization of rhetoric with respect to Afghanistan by neighbouring countries and the diversification of Afghanistan’s global partners. While the US strategy showed the signs of stalling in the conditions of increasing violence and fragmentation of local actors, there are changes in the attitude of neighbouring states in effort to turn Afghanistan into the new economic “frontier”. At the same time, 2018 also demonstrated increasing activity of Russia and China in Afghanistan signifying diversifying global partnerships for Afghanistan.
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One of the first countries in East Asia that applied the notion of Silk Road to its diplomatic initiatives in Central Asia (CA) was Japan. Japanese Silk Road Diplomacy launched in 1997 by PM Ryutaro Hashimoto, following Obuchi mission of... more
One of the first countries in East Asia that applied the notion of Silk Road to its diplomatic initiatives in Central Asia (CA) was Japan. Japanese Silk Road Diplomacy launched in 1997 by PM Ryutaro Hashimoto, following Obuchi mission of the same year, has become one of the first international diplomatic initiatives appealing to the connectivity and revival of the Silk Road. This has been followed by the successor initiatives by PM Junichiro Koizumi, who first dispatched a “Silk Road Energy Mission” in July of 2002 and launched Japanese regional building initiative of Central Asia plus Japan in August 2004. He also visited CA in 2006. PM Shizo Abe visited all five CA states in 2015. These initiatives demonstrate that CA is Japan’s latest “frontier” in Asia where Japanese presence can be further expanded. For CA governments, Japanese involvement in CA represents an attempt to balance Russian and Chinese engagements, while having access to the much needed technologies and knowledge needed to upgrade industrial structure of their economies.
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Over the past couple of decades, Japan has indicated its desire to play a bigger role in Central Asia and has gradually increased its developmental efforts in the region. However, Japan’s engagement in the region remains overwhelmingly... more
Over the past couple of decades, Japan has indicated its desire to play a bigger role in Central Asia and has gradually increased its developmental efforts in the region. However, Japan’s engagement in the region remains overwhelmingly government-driven. To make a bigger impact, it must increase private sector participation.
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By focusing on the impact of Chinese engagement in Uzbekistan, this article promotes an understanding of the motivations of CA states such as Uzbekistan in strategically engaging China. Although China’s BRI initiative has received wide... more
By focusing on the impact of Chinese engagement in Uzbekistan, this article promotes an understanding of the motivations of CA states such as Uzbekistan in strategically engaging China. Although China’s BRI initiative has received wide coverage, few details of other Chinese projects and their impacts have been made available and analyzed. In this sense, this article aims to fill-in this gap by outlining the latest project details of Chinese engagement and their impact in this region.
This paper compares Japanese and Chinese infrastructure development strategies in post-Soviet Central Asia (CA) by analyzing the similarities and differences in the approaches of the two Asian economic powers. This paper develops several... more
This paper compares Japanese and Chinese infrastructure development strategies in post-Soviet Central Asia (CA) by analyzing the similarities and differences in the approaches of the two Asian economic powers. This paper develops several arguments with respect to the Japanese and Chinese approaches to infrastructure development in CA. This paper argues most of the Chinese projects involve the creation of energy and transportation infrastructure (construction), while Japan’s main areas of focus are the maintenance, modernization, and rehabilitation of current infrastructure. In addition, this paper suggests that China positions itself as CA’s leading economic partner, while Japan is one of CA’s leading assistance providers. These two roles have different implications. Furthermore, the current infrastructure engagements of Japan (from assistance to partnership) and China (from exploitation to contribution to the region) in CA demonstrate both countries’ attempts to adjust and search for new opportunities.
With the death of First President of Uzbekistan Karimov and Mirziyoyev’s appointment as interim president in 2016 and his election to the presidency in December of the same year, speculation appeared media sources suggesting that... more
With the death of First President of Uzbekistan Karimov and Mirziyoyev’s appointment as interim president in 2016 and his election to the presidency in December of the same year, speculation appeared media sources suggesting that Uzbekistan would move closer to Russia because of the close personal ties between the president and Russian elites. Others suggested that Uzbekistan would either follow the path designed by the first president or even fall into isolationism like Turkmenistan. This article aims to explain the continuity and the shifts in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy behaviour in the year after the death of the first president and the election of President Mirziyoyev.
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There is considerable debate over how and in what form Central Asian (CA) states should conduct relations among each other and with other post-Soviet states. The notion of the “Silk Road” has become one of the symbols of extended economic... more
There is considerable debate over how and in what form Central Asian (CA) states should conduct relations among each other and with other post-Soviet states. The notion of the “Silk Road” has become one of the symbols of extended economic and political cooperation. Notably, however, Japan (Silk Road Diplomacy, 1996–1999), China (One Belt, One Road [OBOR] or the Belt and Road initiative [BRI]) and South Korea (Silk Road Strategy, 2011) have used the rhetoric of reviving the Silk Road to imply closer engagement with the CA region but with different connotations. This paper focuses on the formation of this discourse of engagement with the CA region through the notion of the Silk Road in China, South Korea and Japan and raises the following questions: What are the approaches that facilitate the most effective ways of engaging CA states under this “Silk Road” rhetoric? What are the principles that have detrimental effects on the successes and failures of the engagement of China, Japan and South Korea? The primary objective of this paper is to address these questions and to stimulate debate among both academics and policy makers on the formats of engagement and cooperation in Eurasia.
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Through analysis of the evolution of the Japanese, Chinese and South Korean narratives of the Silk Road, this paper argues that the content and the nature of these Silk Road strategies changed with time and the international environment.... more
Through analysis of the evolution of the Japanese, Chinese and South Korean narratives of the Silk Road, this paper argues that the content and the nature of these Silk Road strategies changed with time and the international environment. Thus, this paper claims that, the notion of the Silk Road has changed from a static concept of a historical trade route into a product of social construction of a number of powerful states – strategies that are constantly shaped, imagined and re-interpreted. In this sense, the Silk Road is not a foreign policy doctrine but rather a discursive strategy of engagement that largely exists in the realm of narration. This narration is also a matter of social construction that is subject to change depending on the international environment of the country (China, Japan, Korea, etc.) that produces such narratives, context of a receiving region, the alternative narratives that compete for wider international acceptance and the country's vision of “self” and the “other” in the international context.
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With the passing of President Karimov of Uzbekistan in early September 2016 and the appointment of Prime Minister Shavkat Mirziyoyev as caretaker interim president of Uzbekistan, discussions among policy makers and analysts have focused... more
With the passing of President Karimov of Uzbekistan in early September 2016 and the appointment of Prime Minister Shavkat Mirziyoyev as caretaker interim president of Uzbekistan, discussions among policy makers and analysts have focused on how these events will influence Uzbekistan’s foreign and domestic policies.
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pdf/8_Dadabaev_final%20220916.pdf
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pdf/8_Dadabaev_final%20220916.pdf
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This paper examines one instance of a capacity-building attempt by Japan to reduce water demand and increase the efficiency of scarce water resource use in Central Asia (CA). Focusing on Japanese involvement in Uzbekistan, this paper... more
This paper examines one instance of a capacity-building attempt by Japan to reduce water demand and increase the efficiency of scarce water resource use in Central Asia (CA). Focusing on Japanese involvement in Uzbekistan, this paper demonstrates how Japan attempted to define priority areas, assistance principles and approaches to address this issue. Through its involvement, Japan attempted to place a great degree of trust and confidence in this region The outcomes of these efforts to create water demand reduction and management schemes have been only partially successful. The Japanese “Integrated Water Resources Management” (IWRM) proposal met with limited success because of its various logistical and conceptual weaknesses. However, the demand for a water-reduction agenda and its efficient consumption were well received by all participants and stakeholders.
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As demonstrated in this paper, Japan over the years has grown to become the leading ODA provider in Central Asia (CA). ODA has served as a foreign policy tool and as the most significant tool for maintaining cooperation ties. Although the... more
As demonstrated in this paper, Japan over the years has grown to become the leading ODA provider in Central Asia (CA). ODA has served as a foreign policy tool and as the most significant tool for maintaining cooperation ties. Although the focus of Japan's ODA assistance over the years has been on East Asian countries, CA is growing to become another frontier for more proactive Japanese policies.
The Japan-supported initiatives of recent years tend to favor more pragmatic cooperation schemes. As is exemplified by water-related assistance in Uzbekistan and support for local capacity building in Kyrgyzstan, Japanese assistance of a more focused character can better contribute to development both in these societies and in the region in general. These types of initiatives can successfully complement government-to-government assistance schemes and Japanese investments into large scale projects. The focus on local communities will also ensure that beneficiaries of the Japanese assistance projects will include not only governmental institutions but also the general public at large.
The Japan-supported initiatives of recent years tend to favor more pragmatic cooperation schemes. As is exemplified by water-related assistance in Uzbekistan and support for local capacity building in Kyrgyzstan, Japanese assistance of a more focused character can better contribute to development both in these societies and in the region in general. These types of initiatives can successfully complement government-to-government assistance schemes and Japanese investments into large scale projects. The focus on local communities will also ensure that beneficiaries of the Japanese assistance projects will include not only governmental institutions but also the general public at large.
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This paper focuses on the processes of institution of borders in post-Soviet Central Asia and offers highlights of how some of the local communities cope with the decisions made by the central governments in the region with respect to... more
This paper focuses on the processes of institution of borders in post-Soviet Central Asia and offers highlights of how some of the local communities cope with the decisions made by the central governments in the region with respect to borders.
In particular, this paper offers insights into the cases when certain decisions of the governments conflicted with preferences of the population residing in the bordering areas. This in turn resulted in the situations when local communities in
the affected bordering areas decided to protest such decisions by rather untypical means such as declaring “independence” from their respective countries and annexing roads and water facilities which they believed were vital for sustaining their communcal life. Such examples exemplify the cases when interests of local communities do not necessarily fit into the plans of central governments resulting in inter-state border frictions.
In particular, this paper offers insights into the cases when certain decisions of the governments conflicted with preferences of the population residing in the bordering areas. This in turn resulted in the situations when local communities in
the affected bordering areas decided to protest such decisions by rather untypical means such as declaring “independence” from their respective countries and annexing roads and water facilities which they believed were vital for sustaining their communcal life. Such examples exemplify the cases when interests of local communities do not necessarily fit into the plans of central governments resulting in inter-state border frictions.
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The main argument of this article is that religious policies implemented during the Soviet era and adaptations of the public to them produced a new understanding of religiosity and religious life among the population in Uzbekistan. The... more
The main argument of this article is that religious policies implemented during the Soviet era and adaptations of the public to them produced a new understanding of religiosity and religious life among the population in Uzbekistan. The Soviet administration promoted the rejection of religion as an official policy and utilised a vast range of opportunities to criticise religion and promote secular education. However, there were other policies the public remembers as initially shocking to indigenous society but eventually accepted as positive because they assisted in the process of modernisation. These policies are exemplified by the hujum (unveiling) campaign to institutionalise safeguards against under-age and forced marriage, introduce conventional education and promote the wider integration of non-religious Soviet men and women into public life. An analysis of the manner in which people have come to terms with their past and their recollections of antireligious campaigns helps us understand how life under the Soviet government not only resulted in changes in lifestyles but also redrew the ‘boundaries’ of ‘proper’/‘modernised’ religious life and of what are now considered to be the religious remnants of the past.
DOI:10.1080/09512748.2013.870223
Research Interests: Ethnography, Central Asian Studies, Post-Soviet Politics, Islam in China, Xinjiang, and 13 moreChina, Japan, Central Asia, Nationalism & Conflict, Uyghurs, Chinese minorities, Colour Revolutions, Elections in Authoritarian states, De Facto States, Chinese Minority Education, Turkic & Altaic Studies, Central Asian Societies, and Caucasus and Central Asia
This paper reviews the perceptions of the CA states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) towards the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and conceptualises the CA states' motivations and concerns in engaging in... more
This paper reviews the perceptions of the CA states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) towards the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and conceptualises the CA states' motivations and concerns in engaging in cooperation within the SCO vis-à-vis China. The message that this paper aims to deliver is that, for the majority of the CA leadership and public, China within the SCO represents the CA states' ‘other’, with decolonising but increasingly dominating features. These perceptions of China in the CA region elucidate the ways in which China's involvement in Central Asia has a paradoxical and contradictory impact on the potential for the SCO to move beyond functionalism and towards the creation of a broader SCO identity. Consequently, the future of the SCO may be more limited than the West fears and Central Asia hopes.
Research Interests: Ethnography, Post-Soviet Politics, Islam in China, Xinjiang, Central Asia, and 12 moreChina's foreign policy, Nationalism & Conflict, Uyghurs, Chinese minorities, International Relations of East Asia, Asian Security, China's Foreign Policy, International Relations Theory, Space Security, Colour Revolutions, Elections in Authoritarian states, De Facto States, Chinese Minority Education, Turkic & Altaic Studies, Central Asian Societies, and Caucasus and Central Asia
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This article focuses on the post-Soviet recollections of Soviet-era mahalla community by ordinary citizens in contemporary Uzbekistan. The primary message of this paper is that the community has historically represented one of only a few... more
This article focuses on the post-Soviet recollections of Soviet-era mahalla community by ordinary citizens in contemporary Uzbekistan. The primary message of this paper is that the community has historically represented one of only a few effective traditional structures that can unite representatives of various ethnic and religious groups through the creation of a common identity based on shared residence. However, throughout history of these communities, political authorities have often attempted to manipulate these institutions to enhance the state's legitimacy. This type of manipulation has challenged the essential nature of residents' attachment to their communities and called the authority and legitimacy of mahalla structures into question.
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This paper is a contribution to the debate about how people in Central Asia recall Soviet ethnic policies and their vision of how these policies have shaped the identities of their peers and contemporaries. In order to do so, this paper... more
This paper is a contribution to the debate about how people in Central Asia recall Soviet ethnic policies and their vision of how these policies have shaped the identities of their peers and contemporaries. In order to do so, this paper utilizes the outcomes of in-depth interviews about everyday Soviet life in Uzbekistan conducted with 75 senior citizens between 2006 and 2009. These narratives demonstrate that people do not explain Soviet ethnic policies simply through the “modernization” or “victimization” dichotomy but place their experiences in between these discourses. Their recollections also highlight the pragmatic flexibility of the public's adaptive strategies to Soviet ethnic policies. This paper also argues that Soviet ethnic policy produced complicated hybrid units of identities and multiple social strata. Among those who succeeded in adapting to the Soviet realities, a new group emerged, known as Russi assimilados (Russian-speaking Sovietophiles). However, in everyday life, relations between the assimilados and their “indigenous” or “nativist” countrymen are reported to have been complicated, with clear divisions between these two groups and separate social spaces of their own for each of these strata.
Research Interests: Post-Soviet Politics, Central Eurasian Studies, Central Asia, Empire, Uzbekistan, and 12 moreConflict and security, Colour Revolutions, Elections in Authoritarian states, Post Colonial Theory, De Facto States, Governance and Democracy, Colonialism and Imperialism, Nationalism and Decolonization, Belonging and Citizenship, Ethnicity and Nationality, Nation building and State making, and Caucasus and Central Asia
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（Also published in Japanese as) 2009 "Models of Cooperation in Central Asia and Japan’s Central Asian Engagements: Factors, Determinants and Trends", in Christopher Len, Uyama Tomohiko, Hirose Tetsuya, eds., Japan’s Silk Road Diplomacy:... more
（Also published in Japanese as) 2009 "Models of Cooperation in Central Asia and Japan’s Central Asian Engagements: Factors, Determinants and Trends", in Christopher Len, Uyama Tomohiko, Hirose Tetsuya, eds., Japan’s Silk Road Diplomacy: Paving the Road Ahead, Sapporo: Hokkaido University Press、pp. 97-114, 2009 ）.
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This article attempts to measure and quantify the dramatic ideological, economic and value system changes in post-Soviet Uzbekistan, using data from the Asia Barometer survey. It offers a snapshot of the situation in Uzbekistan by... more
This article attempts to measure and quantify the dramatic ideological, economic and value system changes in post-Soviet Uzbekistan, using data from the Asia Barometer survey. It offers a snapshot of the situation in Uzbekistan by describing the basic changes in people's everyday lives, the way they think and act, what they aspire to and how they relate with each other. Two traceable trends in respondents' answers are a certain distrust of each other and a desire to protect themselves through close kinship or residential ties. This results in a situation where people build ‘barriers’ along family or community lines while preserving close relations within these units. Maintaining a balance between traditionalism, conservatism and modernization, and establishing societal trust not only within limited social networks but also between them are of crucial importance for Uzbekistan as it strives to rebuild its economy and society.
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Because of its closed system of governance, Turkmenistan remains one of the most closed societies in the world. Very little is known about political and economic developments in the country and even less information is available about the... more
Because of its closed system of governance, Turkmenistan remains one of the most closed societies in the world. Very little is known about political and economic developments in the country and even less information is available about the attitudes of ordinary citizens to various aspects of socioeconomic life of the country. This article attempts to analyze and, where appropriate, interpret the views of the population on the political aspects of their everyday lives using the data of the social polling conducted in Turkmenistan in autumn of 2005 for the AsiaBarometer project. Results of this social polling reveal several trends. First, the nature of relations between the government and the people has not changed much since independence. Second, people's desires and hopes are closely connected to the improvement of their well-being. Finally, the potential for democratization and the desire for change among the Turkmen population are waiting for an opportunity to reveal themselves.
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Translated into Russian version of 2006 "Living Conditions, Intra-Societal Trust and Public Concerns in Post-Socialist Turkmenistan", Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 4 (40), Stockholm: CA&CC Press, pp. 122-132, August 2006.
2007 "Political Cultures, Developmental Strategies and Public Support in Post-socialist Central Asian Societies: Analysis of Public Polls in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan", Political Science in Asia, Vol. 2, No.1 (Winter 2006), Seoul National University Press: Asian Consortium for Political Research, pp. 71-100. more
This book analyzes initiatives and concepts initiated by China, Japan and South Korea (the Republic of Korea) toward Central Asia to ascertain their impact on regionalism and regional cooperation in Central Asia. Using the case study of... more
This book analyzes initiatives and concepts initiated by China, Japan and South Korea (the Republic of Korea) toward Central Asia to ascertain their impact on regionalism and regional cooperation in Central Asia.
Using the case study of Uzbekistan, the book focuses on the formation of the discourse of engagement with the region of Central Asia through the notion of the Silk Road narrative. The author puts forward the prospects for engagement and cooperation in the region by analyzing initiatives such as the Eurasian/Silk Road Diplomacy of Japan of 1997, the Shanghai Process by China, the Korean corporate offensive, and other so-called Silk Road initiatives such as One Belt One Road (OBOR) or the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The book argues that material factors and interests of these states are not the only motivations for engagement with Central Asia. The author suggests that cultural environment and identity act as additional behavioral incentives for the states’ cooperation as these factors create a space for actors in global politics. The book deconstructs Chinese narratives and foreign policy toward smaller states and presents a more balanced account of Central Asian international relations by taking into account Japanese and South Korean approaches to Central Asia.
This book encourages wider theoretical discussions of Central Asian–specific forms of cooperation and relationships. It provides a timely analysis of Central Asian international relations and is a helpful reference for researchers and students in the fields of international relations, security studies, Asian politics, global politics, Central Asian Studies and Silk Road studies.
Using the case study of Uzbekistan, the book focuses on the formation of the discourse of engagement with the region of Central Asia through the notion of the Silk Road narrative. The author puts forward the prospects for engagement and cooperation in the region by analyzing initiatives such as the Eurasian/Silk Road Diplomacy of Japan of 1997, the Shanghai Process by China, the Korean corporate offensive, and other so-called Silk Road initiatives such as One Belt One Road (OBOR) or the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The book argues that material factors and interests of these states are not the only motivations for engagement with Central Asia. The author suggests that cultural environment and identity act as additional behavioral incentives for the states’ cooperation as these factors create a space for actors in global politics. The book deconstructs Chinese narratives and foreign policy toward smaller states and presents a more balanced account of Central Asian international relations by taking into account Japanese and South Korean approaches to Central Asia.
This book encourages wider theoretical discussions of Central Asian–specific forms of cooperation and relationships. It provides a timely analysis of Central Asian international relations and is a helpful reference for researchers and students in the fields of international relations, security studies, Asian politics, global politics, Central Asian Studies and Silk Road studies.
Research Interests:
Policy Studies 78, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean Inroads into Central Asia: Comparative Analysis of the Economic Cooperation Roadmaps for Uzbekistan Timur Dadabaev... more
Policy Studies 78, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean Inroads into Central Asia: Comparative Analysis of the Economic Cooperation Roadmaps for Uzbekistan
Timur Dadabaev
https://www.eastwestcenter.org/system/tdf/private/ewc_policy_studies_78_web.pdf?file=1&type=node&id=37122
China, Japan, and South Korea have regarded Central Asia as a new Asian frontier in their foreign policies since the collapse of the Soviet Union. With time, their policies evolved into regionbuilding initiatives exemplified by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Belt and Road Initiative, Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue Forum, and Korea-Central Asia Cooperation Forum. This paper raises the following research questions: What are the areas of interest for China, Japan, and Korea in their relations with Central Asian states and Uzbekistan in particular? What are the patterns of agenda setting in establishing intergovernmental cooperation? What are the particular projects that these states initiate? What are the objectives of projects initiated within these areas of interest? How competitive or complementary are these projects of China, Japan, and Korea? Throughout, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean “Silk Road” roadmaps with Uzbekistan are discussed to highlight their similarities and differences.
Timur Dadabaev
https://www.eastwestcenter.org/system/tdf/private/ewc_policy_studies_78_web.pdf?file=1&type=node&id=37122
China, Japan, and South Korea have regarded Central Asia as a new Asian frontier in their foreign policies since the collapse of the Soviet Union. With time, their policies evolved into regionbuilding initiatives exemplified by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Belt and Road Initiative, Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue Forum, and Korea-Central Asia Cooperation Forum. This paper raises the following research questions: What are the areas of interest for China, Japan, and Korea in their relations with Central Asian states and Uzbekistan in particular? What are the patterns of agenda setting in establishing intergovernmental cooperation? What are the particular projects that these states initiate? What are the objectives of projects initiated within these areas of interest? How competitive or complementary are these projects of China, Japan, and Korea? Throughout, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean “Silk Road” roadmaps with Uzbekistan are discussed to highlight their similarities and differences.
Research Interests:
This collection focuses on the nature of civil society and its role in facilitating governance in Central Asia, considering local implications related to the concept of social capital and civil society in the Uzbek context. It discusses... more
This collection focuses on the nature of civil society and its role in facilitating governance in Central Asia, considering local implications related to the concept of social capital and civil society in the Uzbek context. It discusses the complexity of the notion of social capital in post-Soviet Uzbekistan, detailing the challenges and pressures facing the Uzbek people. Challenging prevailing views on post-Soviet political transitions, the book demonstrates that successful transition to democracy and rule of law cannot be accomplished unless the concerns, fears, frustrations and local understandings of the desired political system are heard, registered and carefully interpreted. Offering a comparative study of civil society and social capital in Asia, this collection is a key read not only for scholars and students in civil governance and post-soviet transitions, but also aid agencies, foreign governments, and international organisations working with civil society groups.
http://www.springer.com/us/book/9781137522337
http://www.springer.com/us/book/9781137522337
Research Interests:
This volume offers perspectives from the general public in post-Soviet Central Asia and reconsiders the meaning and the legacy of Soviet administration in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. This study emphasizes that the way in which... more
This volume offers perspectives from the general public in post-Soviet Central Asia and reconsiders the meaning and the legacy of Soviet administration in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. This study emphasizes that the way in which people in Central Asia reconcile their Soviet past to a great extent refers to the three-fold process of recollecting their everyday experiences, reflecting on their past from the perspective of their post-Soviet present, and re-imagining. These three elements influence memories and lead to selectivity in memory construction. This process also emphasizes the aspects of the Soviet era people choose to recall in positive and negative lights. Ultimately, this book demonstrates how Soviet life has influenced the identity and understanding of self among the population in post-Soviet Central Asian states.
Research Interests:
Reviewed by Nikolay Murashkin in Europe-Asia Studies (2016), 68(9), pp. 1625–1626 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1241595 Reviewed by Kuniko Ashizawa, in International Relations of Asia Pacific (2016) doi:... more
Reviewed by Nikolay Murashkin in Europe-Asia Studies (2016), 68(9), pp. 1625–1626 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1241595
Reviewed by Kuniko Ashizawa, in International Relations of Asia Pacific (2016)
doi: 10.1093/irap/lcw019
http://irap.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2016/11/28/irap.lcw019.full
Reviewed by Kuniko Ashizawa, in International Relations of Asia Pacific (2016)
doi: 10.1093/irap/lcw019
http://irap.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2016/11/28/irap.lcw019.full
Identity and Memory in Post-Soviet Central Asia looks at the tradition of history construction in Central Asia. By collecting views of the public’s experiences of the Soviet past in Uzbekistan, the author examines the transformation of... more
Identity and Memory in Post-Soviet Central Asia looks at the tradition of history construction in Central Asia. By collecting views of the public’s experiences of the Soviet past in Uzbekistan, the author examines the transformation of present-day Central Asia from the perspective of these personal memories, and analyses how they relate to the Soviet and post-Soviet official descriptions of Soviet life. The book discusses that the way in which people in Central Asia reconcile their Soviet past to a great extent refers to the three-fold process of recollecting their everyday experiences, reflecting on their past from the perspective of their post-Soviet present, and re-imagining. These three elements influence memories and lead to selectivity in memory construction, emphasising the aspects of the Soviet era people choose to recall in positive and negative lights.
Presenting a broader picture of Soviet everyday life at the periphery of the USSR, the book will be a useful contribution for students and scholars of Central Asian Studies, Ethnicity and Identity Politics.
Presenting a broader picture of Soviet everyday life at the periphery of the USSR, the book will be a useful contribution for students and scholars of Central Asian Studies, Ethnicity and Identity Politics.
Reviewed by Yuasa Takeshi in the Journal of the Japanese Association for Russian and East European Studies in July 2014:
http://www.gakkai.ac/roto/?action=common_download_main&upload_id=2921
http://www.gakkai.ac/roto/?action=common_download_main&upload_id=2921
Reviewed by İdil Tunçer-Kılavuz, Central Asian Survey, 2013,
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02634937.2013.794567?journalCode=ccas20#.UZTW-ssayK0
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02634937.2013.794567?journalCode=ccas20#.UZTW-ssayK0
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This paper presents in brief a project that aims to collect, record and interpret personal experiences and memories of the Soviet past in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. Interviews were held with elderly citizens in order to... more
This paper presents in brief a project that aims to collect, record and interpret personal experiences and memories of the Soviet past in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. Interviews were held with elderly citizens in order to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between the official historiography of the Soviet era and people’s private lives and beliefs. The aim of our study is to
contribute to academic knowledge with regards to how people remember their Soviet past. In addition, this study may also shed new light on the transformations of present-day Central Asia, from the perspective of personal memories. The way in which people in Central Asia reconcile with their Soviet past is to a great extent
through a three-fold process of recollecting their everyday experiences, reflecting on their past from the perspective of their post-Soviet present, and re-imagining their own history.
contribute to academic knowledge with regards to how people remember their Soviet past. In addition, this study may also shed new light on the transformations of present-day Central Asia, from the perspective of personal memories. The way in which people in Central Asia reconcile with their Soviet past is to a great extent
through a three-fold process of recollecting their everyday experiences, reflecting on their past from the perspective of their post-Soviet present, and re-imagining their own history.
| INTRODUCTION • Guest Editor’'s Introduction to the Special Issue | Alexander Bukh | ARTICLES • “"We Want a State of Our Own!”" Reconstructing Community Space in Bordering Areas of Central Asia | Timur... more
| INTRODUCTION
• Guest Editor’'s Introduction to the Special Issue | Alexander Bukh
| ARTICLES
• “"We Want a State of Our Own!”"
Reconstructing Community Space in Bordering Areas of Central Asia | Timur Dadabaev
• Uneasy Pairs :
Revitalizations of Karen Ethno-Nationalism
and Civil Society across the Thai-Burmese Border | Alexander Horstmann
• Illegality & Alterity :
Preliminary Notes on SEZ, Civil Society,
and the Thai-Burmese Borderland | Decha Tangseefa
• Intersections between Civil Society, Insurgency, and Development:
Case of the Subnational Confl ict in the South of Thailand | Ora-orn Poocharoen
• Assessing Local Responses to Chinese-Backed Resource Development
Projects in Myanmar and Cambodia: A Critical Survey | Pichamon Yeophantong
• Japanese Activists, the Environment,
and Border-Crossing Movements in Asia | Simon Avenell
| BOOK REVIEWS
• Translating Critical Border Studies in East Asia | Jason Young
• A Critical Development of Border Studies | Fuminori Kawakubo
• Guest Editor’'s Introduction to the Special Issue | Alexander Bukh
| ARTICLES
• “"We Want a State of Our Own!”"
Reconstructing Community Space in Bordering Areas of Central Asia | Timur Dadabaev
• Uneasy Pairs :
Revitalizations of Karen Ethno-Nationalism
and Civil Society across the Thai-Burmese Border | Alexander Horstmann
• Illegality & Alterity :
Preliminary Notes on SEZ, Civil Society,
and the Thai-Burmese Borderland | Decha Tangseefa
• Intersections between Civil Society, Insurgency, and Development:
Case of the Subnational Confl ict in the South of Thailand | Ora-orn Poocharoen
• Assessing Local Responses to Chinese-Backed Resource Development
Projects in Myanmar and Cambodia: A Critical Survey | Pichamon Yeophantong
• Japanese Activists, the Environment,
and Border-Crossing Movements in Asia | Simon Avenell
| BOOK REVIEWS
• Translating Critical Border Studies in East Asia | Jason Young
• A Critical Development of Border Studies | Fuminori Kawakubo
Research Interests:
Central Asian and Turkic History Revisited. Not long ago, we entered a new millennium. Among Inner Asian Turkic populations, where societies are developing and growing with this new millennium, there is a search for cultural historical... more
Central Asian and Turkic History Revisited.
Not long ago, we entered a new millennium. Among Inner Asian Turkic populations, where societies are developing and growing with this new millennium, there is a search for cultural historical legacies with the aim of identifying features of nationhood or arriving at some related comprehension of belonging to a specific societal community.
History means “past” – near past or remote past. Does this search for a cultural historical identity entail efforts to resuscitate, or revitalize, cultural features or patterns from the past? Is it possible to revive cultural patterns belonging to another era? The territory – the geographical area – is the same as it was in the past. Its inhabitants are people with memories and narrations of traditions and life among ancestors living on the same territory during long stretches of time. How is this past to be accessed and how is it to be interpreted by present-day man, in another era and in a world where people’s lives are lived in quite another fashion and under quite different conditions from those of bygone days?
In a more general perspective, it is often stated by those who are cautious about traditions andlegacies that societies need to rest on history. If this is true and if societies do in fact need their history, why is this so and, furthermore, what is it that constitutes our knowledge of past times, our knowledge of our own past? How is historical knowledge created and how is it to be narrated in order to become historical knowledge for future generations? What is envisioned in historical narration and where do we look in order to find that which can be turned into historical knowledge? Finally, what may trigger revisions of such narration? These are questions central to the accounts offered in the following chapters of the present book.
The need and search for cultural and historical images may seem to be determined and influenced to a considerable degree by current political circumstances at different levels – not least regional and other levels beyond the individual state. Some of the chapters focus on such synchronic circumstances rather than long-term historiographies. Nevertheless, whatever temporal settings and geographical extensions are chosen, all presentations are contributions to the study of nation building or – with the term used in one of the ensuing chapters – “nation branding”.
The first two contributions to the present volume are accounts from broad regional and interregional perspectives drawing attention to current post-Soviet changes in terms of both political conditions and identity formation. The chapter On Oral History of the Soviet Past in Central Asia by Timur Dadabaev, Tsukuba University, addresses methodological issues relating to the question as to how new historiographies could also be shaped by common-man “lived” experiences elicited from personal memories of the Soviet past by elderly people who were once Soviet citizens living in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan or Kyrgyzstan.
In her chapter, The Coverage of Central Asia in Turkey, the Turkish scholar Büşra Ersanlı from Marmara University, Istanbul, comments on the development and modifications of Turkey’s foreign policy towards the young ex-Soviet Central Asian states and the endeavors of this country to determine its role as one – and in many respects the leading – member of a large Turkic world where coordination and cooperation have gained greater potentials than ever before.
Emre Gürbüz, Kyrgyzstan-Turkey Manas University, Bishkek, with his chapter titled In Search of New Historiographies for Ex-Soviet Turkic States, likewise includes Turkey in his survey of works on new history writing in Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan. This time the former country is contrasted to the latter three republics from the point of view of territoriality, which the author identifies as “one of the main characteristics of post-Soviet historiographies”. The three ex-Soviet republics under investigation are shown to base their claims on legitimacy as sovereign states on “conventional territorial understanding”, albeit under partly different socio-political legacies and, furthermore, with differing visions as to future objectives for their respective nation-states.
The account of History-Writing and History-Making in Azerbaijan by Zaur Gasimov at the German Orient-Institut Istanbul could be read as a comment on such future objectives as regards one of these three states – Azerbaijan. The author offers a thorough survey of new trends in post-Soviet Azerbaijani history-writing with regard to both the choice of topics and interpretation as well as language (Azerbaijani rather than Russian) and style, although there amy be new obstacles and taboos due to present-day policies.
From the perspective of “a post-modern world of images and influence”, Anita Sengupta, fellow of the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Kolkata, takes the Republic of Uzbekistan under scrutiny in a chapter subtitled The Politics of Nation Branding in Uzbekistan. There she writes that “modern nations are in actuality based on invented traditions and the continuous mobilization and adaptation of history” in order to “reposition themselves in a fluid globalizing world” and that “nation-state building is no longer an activity confined to the domestic arena”.
The significance of language in sociopolitical development and nation building is highlighted in the remaining three chapters of this volume. Two of them focus on the language situation in Uzbekistan and the interdependence of language and identity formation, whereas the third chapter deals with language development in the late 19th-century Xinjiang. Rano Turaeva-Hoehne, Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle, refers to ethnographic fieldwork among Khorezmian migrants in Tashkent when commenting on the use of different linguistic codes “for communicating collective and social identities in a multiethnic context”, in her paper concerning Linguistic and Social Contradictions within Uzbek National Identity.
In her chapter titled The Status of Uzbek as “National Language” the SRII Director Birgit N. Schlyter, Istanbul, examines the post-Soviet Uzbek state language from the point of view of three parameters – “distribution”, “corpus”, and “manifestation” – for an evaluation of the chances for this language to become a symbol of Uzbekistani national identity. In particular the third parameter is crucial relating to the “narrative capacity” of language and the loyalty towards a state or community through language.
The author of Language and State in Late Qing Xinjiang, Eric T. Schluessel from Harvard University, wants to show how the very concept of language changed in the final years of Qing rule and writes that language “was conceived of not just as a system of varieties marking kinds of people, but as an instrument of reform and an institution of power”. He describes a rather complex language situation that could not be characterized merely in terms of one language community (Chinese) dominating another (Turki). For a general comment on the relationship between language and society, he finds it “useful to examine national identity and language attitudes as part of an ongoing process of negotiation between state and other actors promoting competing language regimes and linguistic institutions”.
The authors of these chapters have all been participating in research work conducted within the framework of the Stockholm International Program for Central Asian Studies (SIPCAS). Their contributions originate from papers presented at conferences and workshops arranged or co-organized by SIPCAS for discussions of societal change and transformation in the wake of the Soviet demise. Issues of cultural historical legacies and nation-state legitimacy have been at the top of the agenda.
As usual, the spelling of names and titles has been an intricate issue, the more so as variations are due to not only personal preferences but also the fact that different alphabets (e.g. Cyrillic or Latin for Azerbaijani names) may have been used for one and the same reference. There has been homogenization to a certain degree, especially in the spelling of scientific terms, linguistic and others (e.g. Kipchak, not Kypchak or Qipchaq). Moreover, American spelling has been chosen whenever there has been an option contrasting with a British alternative. In certain cases, on the other hand, the authors have been free to use a spelling of their own choice, independent of the spelling of the same word or name in another chapter (e.g. Uyghur in one chapter versus Uighur in another).
The abovementioned SIPCAS program encourages and welcomes the participation of young researchers and students. During work on the manuscript of this volume much help was offered by Nina Lind while on a one-month internship at the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul and by Azize Güneş, who was my assistant throughout the whole editing process and shared the proofreading of all chapters with me. It was a great pleasure to work with them, and I’m much obliged to their cautious efforts.
Istanbul, May 2014
The Editor
Not long ago, we entered a new millennium. Among Inner Asian Turkic populations, where societies are developing and growing with this new millennium, there is a search for cultural historical legacies with the aim of identifying features of nationhood or arriving at some related comprehension of belonging to a specific societal community.
History means “past” – near past or remote past. Does this search for a cultural historical identity entail efforts to resuscitate, or revitalize, cultural features or patterns from the past? Is it possible to revive cultural patterns belonging to another era? The territory – the geographical area – is the same as it was in the past. Its inhabitants are people with memories and narrations of traditions and life among ancestors living on the same territory during long stretches of time. How is this past to be accessed and how is it to be interpreted by present-day man, in another era and in a world where people’s lives are lived in quite another fashion and under quite different conditions from those of bygone days?
In a more general perspective, it is often stated by those who are cautious about traditions andlegacies that societies need to rest on history. If this is true and if societies do in fact need their history, why is this so and, furthermore, what is it that constitutes our knowledge of past times, our knowledge of our own past? How is historical knowledge created and how is it to be narrated in order to become historical knowledge for future generations? What is envisioned in historical narration and where do we look in order to find that which can be turned into historical knowledge? Finally, what may trigger revisions of such narration? These are questions central to the accounts offered in the following chapters of the present book.
The need and search for cultural and historical images may seem to be determined and influenced to a considerable degree by current political circumstances at different levels – not least regional and other levels beyond the individual state. Some of the chapters focus on such synchronic circumstances rather than long-term historiographies. Nevertheless, whatever temporal settings and geographical extensions are chosen, all presentations are contributions to the study of nation building or – with the term used in one of the ensuing chapters – “nation branding”.
The first two contributions to the present volume are accounts from broad regional and interregional perspectives drawing attention to current post-Soviet changes in terms of both political conditions and identity formation. The chapter On Oral History of the Soviet Past in Central Asia by Timur Dadabaev, Tsukuba University, addresses methodological issues relating to the question as to how new historiographies could also be shaped by common-man “lived” experiences elicited from personal memories of the Soviet past by elderly people who were once Soviet citizens living in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan or Kyrgyzstan.
In her chapter, The Coverage of Central Asia in Turkey, the Turkish scholar Büşra Ersanlı from Marmara University, Istanbul, comments on the development and modifications of Turkey’s foreign policy towards the young ex-Soviet Central Asian states and the endeavors of this country to determine its role as one – and in many respects the leading – member of a large Turkic world where coordination and cooperation have gained greater potentials than ever before.
Emre Gürbüz, Kyrgyzstan-Turkey Manas University, Bishkek, with his chapter titled In Search of New Historiographies for Ex-Soviet Turkic States, likewise includes Turkey in his survey of works on new history writing in Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan. This time the former country is contrasted to the latter three republics from the point of view of territoriality, which the author identifies as “one of the main characteristics of post-Soviet historiographies”. The three ex-Soviet republics under investigation are shown to base their claims on legitimacy as sovereign states on “conventional territorial understanding”, albeit under partly different socio-political legacies and, furthermore, with differing visions as to future objectives for their respective nation-states.
The account of History-Writing and History-Making in Azerbaijan by Zaur Gasimov at the German Orient-Institut Istanbul could be read as a comment on such future objectives as regards one of these three states – Azerbaijan. The author offers a thorough survey of new trends in post-Soviet Azerbaijani history-writing with regard to both the choice of topics and interpretation as well as language (Azerbaijani rather than Russian) and style, although there amy be new obstacles and taboos due to present-day policies.
From the perspective of “a post-modern world of images and influence”, Anita Sengupta, fellow of the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Kolkata, takes the Republic of Uzbekistan under scrutiny in a chapter subtitled The Politics of Nation Branding in Uzbekistan. There she writes that “modern nations are in actuality based on invented traditions and the continuous mobilization and adaptation of history” in order to “reposition themselves in a fluid globalizing world” and that “nation-state building is no longer an activity confined to the domestic arena”.
The significance of language in sociopolitical development and nation building is highlighted in the remaining three chapters of this volume. Two of them focus on the language situation in Uzbekistan and the interdependence of language and identity formation, whereas the third chapter deals with language development in the late 19th-century Xinjiang. Rano Turaeva-Hoehne, Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle, refers to ethnographic fieldwork among Khorezmian migrants in Tashkent when commenting on the use of different linguistic codes “for communicating collective and social identities in a multiethnic context”, in her paper concerning Linguistic and Social Contradictions within Uzbek National Identity.
In her chapter titled The Status of Uzbek as “National Language” the SRII Director Birgit N. Schlyter, Istanbul, examines the post-Soviet Uzbek state language from the point of view of three parameters – “distribution”, “corpus”, and “manifestation” – for an evaluation of the chances for this language to become a symbol of Uzbekistani national identity. In particular the third parameter is crucial relating to the “narrative capacity” of language and the loyalty towards a state or community through language.
The author of Language and State in Late Qing Xinjiang, Eric T. Schluessel from Harvard University, wants to show how the very concept of language changed in the final years of Qing rule and writes that language “was conceived of not just as a system of varieties marking kinds of people, but as an instrument of reform and an institution of power”. He describes a rather complex language situation that could not be characterized merely in terms of one language community (Chinese) dominating another (Turki). For a general comment on the relationship between language and society, he finds it “useful to examine national identity and language attitudes as part of an ongoing process of negotiation between state and other actors promoting competing language regimes and linguistic institutions”.
The authors of these chapters have all been participating in research work conducted within the framework of the Stockholm International Program for Central Asian Studies (SIPCAS). Their contributions originate from papers presented at conferences and workshops arranged or co-organized by SIPCAS for discussions of societal change and transformation in the wake of the Soviet demise. Issues of cultural historical legacies and nation-state legitimacy have been at the top of the agenda.
As usual, the spelling of names and titles has been an intricate issue, the more so as variations are due to not only personal preferences but also the fact that different alphabets (e.g. Cyrillic or Latin for Azerbaijani names) may have been used for one and the same reference. There has been homogenization to a certain degree, especially in the spelling of scientific terms, linguistic and others (e.g. Kipchak, not Kypchak or Qipchaq). Moreover, American spelling has been chosen whenever there has been an option contrasting with a British alternative. In certain cases, on the other hand, the authors have been free to use a spelling of their own choice, independent of the spelling of the same word or name in another chapter (e.g. Uyghur in one chapter versus Uighur in another).
The abovementioned SIPCAS program encourages and welcomes the participation of young researchers and students. During work on the manuscript of this volume much help was offered by Nina Lind while on a one-month internship at the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul and by Azize Güneş, who was my assistant throughout the whole editing process and shared the proofreading of all chapters with me. It was a great pleasure to work with them, and I’m much obliged to their cautious efforts.
Istanbul, May 2014
The Editor
Research Interests:
Central Asia has seen dramatic yet peaceful change since the end of the Soviet Union as it has once again become a world region of sovereign powers. The relatively low levels of political violence and the concomitant authoritarian... more
Central Asia has seen dramatic yet peaceful change since the end of the Soviet Union as it has once again become a world region of sovereign powers. The relatively low levels of political violence and the concomitant authoritarian stabilization of its postcolonies are both remarkable and poorly understood. This article argues that IR theory is of little use in this regard because it is focused on external powers and systemic factors, be they material or normative, and fails to account for the Central Asian actors and transnational processes which have shaped the transformation. This weakness has been mirrored in scholarship which until recent years was produced overwhelmingly by scholars from outside the region according to debates which have minimal relevance for the region. The largely peaceful decolonisation of Central Asia is best understood from decolonial perspectives which emphasize the importance of the region's particular ideas and practices and how these have been formed in conditions of globalization.
Research Interests:
Through an interview survey, the current paper demonstrates that Uzbek residents of Japan rationalize their stay in Japan largely as temporary, in line with the concept of ‘sojourning’. In contrast to the previous studies which... more
Through an interview survey, the current paper demonstrates that Uzbek residents of Japan rationalize their stay in Japan largely as temporary, in line with the concept of ‘sojourning’. In contrast to the previous studies which operationalize sojourning according to legal status or “preparations to return home”, this paper claims that such ‘Sojourning’ needs to be treated as a constantly changing socially shaped discursive category employed by respondents to mitigate challenges such as economic hardship, discrimination, and cultural assimilation. ‘Sojourning’ is also a culturally sensitive category that they often adopt based on ethnic or religious interpretations.